Tuesday, July 31, 2007

Gay rights group compares Frankfort demonstrators to Ku Klux Klan

Herald-Leader? Courier-Journal? Are you there? Are your hypocrisy meters turned on? Once again gay rights advocates, who make a big show of opposing hate, are spewing hateful rhetoric.

Here is the Kentucky Equality Federation on today's rally at the Capitol against taxpayer-funded health benefits for live-in sexual partners of state university staff:
The Family Foundation of Kentucky, our 'KKK members with church clothes on' are holding signs deliberately bringing religion into government even though it is prohibited by the Commonwealth's Constitution.
Is there a better example of hate than comparing someone to the Ku Klux Klan? What exactly did the demonstrators--who are supposed to be so hateful, according the "Equality Federation"--say that even compares to it?

Of course the state media will completely ignore this most recent example of hate speech by gay rights groups. They get a free pass on this behavior by a media that thinks they can do no wrong.

Then there is this little gem from the "Ditch Mitch" blog:
What makes the rally so disgusting is that their protest runs much deeper than even homophobia – it’s simply a pro-hate rally.
Now the Ditch Mitch people know hate when they see it. What constitutes hate for these people? Hate, they argue, is when anyone would not be willing to force taxpayers to pay for anyone and everyone's health care:

Right here in America, nearly 18,000 people die every year simply because of a lack of healthcare coverage. With nearly 1 in 6 people in the country living without access to healthcare, we should all be rallying in favor of anything that helps cover more Americans. Anything less is simply unconscionable.

In other words, anyone who opposes universal health coverage is guilty of hate.

Well, if anyone ever wondered why civil discourse has gone down the tubes, they need look no further than groups like the Kentucky Equality Federation and "Ditch Mitch," which can't acknowledge that anyone who disagrees with them is anything but evil.

It must be hard to live in a world where you think that anyone who disagrees with you hates you too. Maybe we shouldn't be indignant about them after all. Maybe pity is more appropriate.

Monday, July 30, 2007

Seven things I still believe

Several websites (several of which are conservative) have printed lists of beliefs they had before the Iraq War that had to be abandoned because of it. A number of blogs, including Eunomia (Daniel Larison's blog), The Daily Dish (Andrew Sullivan), Crunchy Cons (Ron Dreher), and In the Agora, have all spoken on what they no longer believe. Being a paleo-conservative skeptical from the outset, here is my list of beliefs that have been confirmed over the course of the War:
  1. Western democracy cannot simply be imposed on an eastern culture that has no democratic traditions and no institutions to support it. The idea that we could impose representative democracy on a country with an authoritarian history and a diverse religious population is simply misguided. Iraq was held together by a strongman with dictatorial powers: that is its history, and its future (if it has one) as a single nation. In order to bring about order in Iraq with the Sunni and Shiite factions at each other's throats would require a degree of cruelty that we are unprepared and unwilling to exercise--and rightly so. But we should have known this is what it would require, and, being unwilling to engage in it, we should not have acted as if we were.
  2. Democracy should be seen as one of many legitimate forms of government, and should not be viewed as a religion. Just because we are a democratic republic does not mean that everyone else has to be. We should acknowledge Winston Churchill's assertion that democracy is the worst form of government ever devised by man--except for all the others that have been attempted throughout human history. Even if we believe that republican democracy was the best form of government, we are not therefore obliged to demand that every other country practice it. There are other forms of government that we ought to see as acceptable and legitimate, and to think anything else is utopianism. The messianic political rhetoric of the Bush administration in this regard is a recipe for foreign policy disaster.
  3. America should strive to be a republic and should avoid thinking and acting like an empire. We are not the world's police force, and we need to get over it. American political leaders should have one objective and one objective only: the interest of the United States. Imposing democracy on the world doesn't accomplish this end and only detracts from it. We should help our friends and penalize our enemies, and when we do the latter, it should take some other form than invading them--unless they are on the verge of invading us. The only way Iraq could have done that to us was with weapons of mass destruction, which they didn't have.
  4. Military action should be swift, severe, and short-lived. If there was evidence that someone in Iraq was involved in 9/11, then we should have taken them out and gone home. As it stands, there is little hope of stabilizing Iraq in any short period of time, and we are in the dilemma of either making a long term commitment that is politically unfeasible or leaving the country in chaos and the middle east in instability. When you try to own a country that isn't yours, it ends up owning you.
  5. The United States should never try to run another country. We have our hands full trying to run our own. The war has sapped our resources and left us less capable of dealing with problems in our own country--and less able to be flexible in dealing with other foreign policy crises that could easily and quickly arise. North Korea, which is far more of a threat than Iraq could ever have been, might need our attention, and there still exists the possibility that mainland China could attack Taiwan. Our military presence in Iraq renders us incapable of dealing with either of these problems.
  6. The American military should be seen as a military, not a political tool. Although some people blame the military for Iraq, they need to remember that it was politicians, not the military, that made the decision to invade Iraq. When you ask a military force to perform a police function, you shouldn't be surprised when it doesn't turn out well, and when it doesn't, you should blame the people who made the decision to use them--not the ones who are being used--in this way.
  7. Misguided foreign and domestic policy leadership by the head of a political party can haunt that political party for a whole generation. The previous generation of Americans judged the political parties by two leaders: Ronald Reagan and Jimmy Carter. The identity of Republicans and Democrats was based on the American public's opinion of these two presidents--to the benefit of Republicans and the detriment of Democrats. Whoever is identified with the Democrats (possibly Clinton), this generation will see the Republicans in light of the Bush administration. His hubristic foreign policy, his lack of fiscal restraint, and his abandonment of small government conservatism has squandered the Reagan legacy, and the result could be many years in the wilderness for the Republican Party. Republicans will spend many years trying to reclaim what they have lost. They may be given plenty of time to work on it.
These are all views I had before the Iraq War, and events since 2000 have only confirmed them.

Sunday, July 29, 2007

A research finding on childcare that we shouldn't need a research finding to know

Let me say that I am of the firm opinion that we are so soaked and steeped in scientism that we tend to think that we need a study to establish our beliefs in even the most basic, intuitive truths. This tendency has the consequence that we are at once overly cautious about articulating the most basic, common sense notions on the one hand, and are overly credulous about preposterous claims made in the name of science on the other.

An example of the first would be studies you see reported every now and then claiming to establish that men and women are different in some basic respect. Of course, most people outside social science departments in our universities already know this, and don't need pointy headed experts in an ivory tower somewhere with a study to tell them this. Any normal person has already established this fact to his own satisfaction by getting married or having children. I would include the practice of quoting statistics or scientific studies showing why you should believe this or that about homosexuality, sexual restraint, or abortion in this category. If you can't figure out what you should think about these things without statistics, then your problem extends a whole lot further than just a lack of information.

An example of the second would be the tendency among some to believe something that violates common sense simply because of some piece of research they have been told supports it. The recently deceased cultural critic Neil Postman relates an experiment he has conducted among his university colleagues. Postman will run into a fellow professor in the hallway--early in the day, before he or she is likely to have read the morning paper--and ask him or her if they have seen the study in that day's New York Times showing that, say, jogging is bad for you. Without exception, he says, the experiment results in the colleague believing there might be something to it. Kinsey's research purporting to show that deviant sex, including sex with children, is normal goes into this category, as well as those ridiculous reports that animals think or communicate like humans in any significant way.

All of this is a just a long introduction to my letting you know about a new study showing that non-maternal childcare is bad for children that has been posted over at The Evangelical Outpost:
Children in first grade who had spent more time in non-maternal care from 3 to 54 months had more conflict with teachers and showed lower levels of social skills than their peers who spent less time in child care according to teacher reports.
This is nice to know, and I'm sure we should be gratified that there is some researcher somewhere willing to scandalize his socially constructivist colleagues by being willing to publish it, but shouldn't we know this already? Have human beings not been on the earth long enough to establish that children need mothers?

Family Foundation has not taken a position on the Sanders nomination

So far two sources have incorrectly reported that The Family Foundation of Kentucky is pushing former Office for Education Accountability director Penney Sanders for Education Commissioner. WHAS-TV's Mark Hebert reported it, and so did Richard Day on his KY education blog. Well, sorry folks, but The Family Foundation has not taken a position on the commissioner's position. The report was based on a post on my blog.

Although I often post official press releases and other relevant things from The Family Foundation, my blog is not an official organ of the organization. It is my opinion only. I used to have a disclaimer on this blog somewhere, but I guess I have taken it off. Maybe I need to put it back up again.

Saturday, July 28, 2007

Defeat snatched from the jaws of victory

John Peterson graciously responded to my response to his piece in an earlier post on whether Chesterton should be used to gain answers to specific questions, which I will bring out onto the main page:
This is well said. I am tempted to leave the field of valor in disgrace. Still, I too have the index referred to and I have used it often, although I confess it has been some years since I felt the urge to learn GK's position on a given topic from that source. All I need do is ask Peter Floriani and - Presto! - he supplies all the references in AMBER, which is a more comprehensive resource.

I do not want to judge Chesterton the way he judged other authors becuase I have always thought Chesterton unique. And the thought that has always blown me away is his command of informal logic, blowing away HIS opponents' claims and arguments with dazzling fireworks of logic. I don't go to him to learn that Dickens was a fine author, or that Christianity is the Way, or that Rerum Novarum was an earthquake encyclical, because these ideas are well known anyway. But I do steal his ways of criticizing literature, his ways of defending the faith, and his ways of interpreting meaning in history. Maybe the answer is that I am well along in my seventies, and I have forgotten that much of what I know I learned from Chesterton, having breathed the man in and out since high school.

My problem comes down to this: traveling in Chestertonian circles, I have too often encountered the argument that Chesterton believed so-and-so, and thus the matter is closed to discussion. That's really all I am objecting to. But it is a very big and widespread abuse.
~ Gramps
He has been in possession all these years of a better reference source for Chesterton than I have had! What can I do but raise the white flag?

Tuesday, July 24, 2007

Who does Socrates meet next?

I had the opportunity to chat with Peter Kreeft at the recent Society for Classical Learning conference. Kreeft is one of the most clear and cogent thinkers I have ever come across. A philosophy professor at Boston College, Kreeft has written a series of dialogues in which Socrates is somehow allowed out of his historical dimension (and, apparently, given some time between life and death) to discuss great ideas with various great thinkers.

So far, the series includes Socrates Meets Marx, Socrates Meets Machiavelli, Socrates Meets Sartre, and, my favorite, Socrates Meets Jesus (in which our hero meets Jesus, but only in the figurative sense through various modern people with whom he talks).

So when I saw Kreeft, I pulled him aside and asked, "So who does Socrates meet next?" "Oh," he told me, "Socrates has just met Descartes--I think that book is out now. Then he meets Hume, and then Kant, and then me meets Kierkegaard, at which point he is converted."

Wow.

These books are not only full of great thinking, but of great wit--all in Kreeft's disarmingly simple style. I highly recommend them.

Monday, July 23, 2007

KY ACLU Director leaving state

The good news is that the Kentucky ACLU is losing its executive director. The bad news is that there will be a replacement.

Hiring process? What hiring process?


The Kentucky School Board, which failed to hit the target in its first attempt to hire an education commissioner, thinks it can improve its aim by firing more quickly. We suggest that everyone stand back.


So what is it that is wrong with the process of selecting a chief state school officer in Kentucky? Let us count the ways. After the Kentucky State School Board completely mishandled the Barbara Erwin hire, one would think the lesson it would have taken away from the experience was that it needs to be more careful and deliberative in the hiring process. Well, two recent reports indicate that we need to think again.

According to comments made by several Board members in a working Louisville Courier-Journal story reported recently on Richard Day's blog, the Board plans, not on exercising more caution, but on throwing it to the wind.

This probably explains the recent report by Mark Hebert, Frankfort reporter for WHAS-TV, who reported that Leon Mooneyhan, a retired Shelby County superintendent, has been "negotiating with the state school board to be the interim education commissioner" since last Tuesday.

Has anyone noticed that the posting for the open position and the call for applications was posted on the same day that Board Chairman Keith Travis began "negotiating" with Mooneyhan for the position--Tuesday, July 17? Maybe we've struck on just why it is that the State School Board is starting to look like the Keystone Cops in the process of finding good talent to fill the post at the helm of Kentucky's schools.

Is it really a good idea to limit your options while you are looking for the right person? What does this do for the other well-qualified candidates we ought to be taking a look at out there who might otherwise consider the job now that they have found out that it was done deal from the get go? Do you think these people are going to go to the trouble of applying now that they know the Board has probably already made its pick? And if we knew who we were going to hire, then why did we make the posting in the first place? If there is a process that is supposed to be followed in the hiring of the interim commissioner, why aren't we following it?

I suggest changing the posting over at KDE's website to the following:
The Kentucky Board of Education is seeking applicants for the positions of interim and full-time commissioner of education. Information about the positions and how to apply are available upon request, but applicants should be aware that although we are posting this today, we already have a particular person in mind so it would probably not be a good use of your time to go to all the trouble of filling out the application forms and writing an application letter, and if you do, we will have to question your ability to interpret the bureaucratic body language around here by which we are trying to tell you that, although we have to do this so we can say we got the best person for the job, we really want you to get lost.
That would at least save other potential applicants the trouble.

Oh, and what does it say about Mooneyhan's judgment that he would spill the beans to a reporter at one of the largest stations in the largest television market in the state, when he should have known that this would publicly embarrass the Board--what with people like me out there to criticize it?

I served with Mooneyhan on the Assessment and Accountability Subcommittee of the Governors Task Force on Education Reform, the group convened by Gov. Paul Patton to look at changes in KERA a number of years ago, and there were a few people on the committee willing to look at common sense changes to the controversial KIRIS tests at the time, but Mooneyhan was not among them.

For the Board to appoint Mooneyhan to head the state's schools for even a short period of time--and to do it so hastily--would be a signal that, not only has the State Board learned all the wrong lessons from the Erwin episode, but that they want to maintain the status quo intact. The only way Kentucky's schools have any hope is for us to move forward. Will the hiring of Mooneyhan send the signal that we are moving forward? I doubt it.

The Erwin fiasco happened because there were things about Erwin that Board members should have known, but didn't. Exactly how does moving more quickly in the hiring process help to solve that problem? Doesn't it, in fact, actually increase the chances of that kind of thing happening again?

If we are interested in increasing the chances of learning in our schools, the people who run them are going to have to show that they are capable of learning too. But, so far, that doesn't appear to be happening.

Sunday, July 22, 2007

Education in Kentucky has met its enemy, and he is us.


The State Board seems uninterested in substantive change, and the
Herald-Leader wants to turn back the clock to the early 1990's. So why is it again that we can't move forward?

In the Lexington Herald-Leader's lead editorial today, "Education reform going downhill," the editors, with their usual aversion to reality, say that the reason the best and the brightest educators are being repelled from the schools top schools job is that Kentucky "is no longer seen as a leader in trying to raise education levels." This is code language for saying that Kentucky is no longer recklessly trying to turn schools upside down in order to impose the latest education fads, which is what it did in the 1990's.

Yeah. That attracts professional educators, alright: but the wrong ones.

The Herald-Leader points to Tom Boysen as the kind of educator we need to attract as head of today's Kentucky schools. Are they serious? Boysen was the first person to occupy the post of Kentucky Commissioner of Education after the elected post of State Superintendent was effectively eliminated by the passage of the Kentucky Education Reform Act of 1990 (KERA). And he was a disaster. Here was a man who tried to run the entire state school system from his Frankfort office, and whose imperious attempts to force schools into abandoning basic skills by trying to bring back the "open classrooms" of the 1960's ("non-graded primary program" in KERA parlance) risked an entire generation of Kentucky children.

Of course, the Herald-Leader was one the voices cheering him on in these efforts--a safe thing to do, if, like editors of large newspapers, you can afford to send your kids to private schools when it doesn't work.

So now we have the State School Board looking at Leon Mooneyhan, a retired Shelby County Superintendent, for the interim commissioner's position--a sign that it wants to keep things the way they are, and we have the Herald-Leader pining for a return to the 1990's--a decade in which they were pining for a return to the 1960's. The State Board want to prop up the status quo, and the Herald-Leader wants to return to the status quo ante.

With friends like this, Kentucky school's don't need any enemies.

Friday, July 20, 2007

Chesterton the Propagandist: A Response to John Peterson

I don't remember who said it, but it was worth saying: if you want to know what to think about something, just consult Chesterton. You can always count on him for common sense. I have always considered this sage advice--so much so that one of my prized possessions is a volume titled An Index to Chesterton, by Joseph Sprugg, published in 1966. It is a little known book, I imagine, even among the most avid Chesterton aficionados, and I guard it with my life. I have many friends whom I hold dear, but if any of them asked to borrow it, I would greet their request with a cold stare, and show them to the door.

But this practice of consulting Chesterton for philosophical wisdom and practical advice--of using Chesterton as a sort of philosophical Dear Abby--has now come into question. According to John Peterson, in a paper presented to the Chicago Chesterton in 1987 but recently posted at The American Chesterton Society's very excellent blog, this practice constitutes a sort of abuse of Chesterton. He challenges the "habit of using Chesterton as an encyclopedia—asking for the great man to supply us with definitive answers to highly specific questions."

"Does Chesterton teach us," he asks,
the meaning of cheese or beer or student ragging and rioting? Or does he teach us how to see cheese and these other things in order that we ourselves may be able to find meaning in them? Does he give us meanings or does he show the way to find meanings?
It is a nicely asked question, and one which Peterson answers by denying the first disjunct. But I would submit that Peterson's analysis is one that Chesterton himself would have not only have disagreed with, but found disagreeable. That Chesterton would have found the idea that he was chiefly valuable not for his wisdom but for his method should seem doubtful on the face of it for anyone who is familiar with his thought. Chesterton, Peterson seems to say, should be valued chiefly, not for his tenets, but for his technique; not for his mind, but for his manner.

I am convinced, in fact, there are few things that Chesterton himself would have found less satisfactory than this approach to his writing.

Peterson's argument is based on a few examples of essays in which Chesterton drew a moral from an event, and did not judge it. He quotes several of Chesterton's Illustrated London News essays. Now I suppose I should be wary, thinking I can match Peterson, who is one of the few people who have taken the trouble to read the ILN essays, quote for quote, epigram for epigram. Call me wreckless, but I think I can. I too know the ILN essays--or many of them anyway, having read all of the weekly articles from 1908, when he began writing them, to 1915. But there are his other writings too, and they provide the most decisive refutation of Peterson's claim.

In saying that we cannot or should not go to Chesterton for meaning we may be conveying a truth (although I doubt it), but we are certainly not expressing a belief that has any relation to Chesterton's own thinking on such matters.

The first point is this: it seems to make sense that, if we are Chestertonians, we should judge Chesterton--whose trade was, in part, judging other writers--in the same way as Chesterton himself actually judged writers. But when we look at how he judged other writers, we do not find him, as Peterson proposes we do with Chesterton, valuing them chiefly for how they teach us to think. He judges them rather by the truths they teach. Not only that, he warns against doing anything else.

When Chesterton spoke of writers, he spoke of their "great truth and passion." For Dickens it was his "sense of joy in things," for Thackeray, a "sacred ... sense of pathos" in them; for Hawthorne, the sense of their "weird significance."

Chesterton was certainly concerned with matters of style and literary technique, but he was more concerned with what a writer had to say than with how he said it. Not only did Chesterton judge a writer on this basis--that of the truth that was expressed, but he judged what was literature at all by the very same criterion: "Literature," he says, "is only that rare sort of fiction which rises to a certain standard of objective beauty and truth."

In fact it could be truly said that one of the distinctions of Chesterton's approach to literature was precisely this: that he judged a writer primarily by what he said, not by how he said it; by his meaning, not his method--that it is a writer's dogma, not his disposition, which we should read and assess. Indeed I do not think it would be an exaggeration to say that Chesterton wrote his book Heretics as a refutation of the very approach with which Peterson suggests we judge Chesterton.

"Man," he says, "can be defined as an animal that makes dogmas":
As he piles doctrine on doctrine and conclusion on conclusion in the formation of some tremendous scheme of philosophy and religion, he is, in the only legitimate sense of which the expression is capable, becoming more and more human. When he drops one doctrine after another in a refined scepticism, when he declines to tie himself to a system, when he says that he has outgrown definitions, when he says that he disbelieves in finality, when in his own imagination, he sits as God, holding no form of creed but contemplating all, then he is by that very process sinking slowly backwards into the vagueness of the vagrant animals and the unconsciousness of the grass. Trees have no dogmas. Turnips are singularly broad-minded.
In all the criticism he makes of those he has found to be heretics in the book, one of the things he praises them for is the fact that they say something definite, and ask their readers to accept it:
Now of all, or nearly all, the able modern writers whom I have briefly studied in this book, this is especially and pleasingly true, that they do each of them have a constructive and affirmative view, and that they do take it seriously and ask us to take it seriously.
In fact, Chesterton not only rejects the idea that he is not being dogmatic, even propagandistic in his writing, but spends a good part of Heretics criticizing people who claim they are not, pointing out that in doing so, they are. This was the difference he saw between himself and George Barnard Shaw: "I hold that I am dogmatic and right," he said, "while Mr. Shaw is dogmatic and wrong."

Furthermore (and this I take as the definitive point against Peterson's thesis) Chesterton questions whether great art can exist outside propaganda. "The fiercest dogmatists," he says, "make the best artists":
In the fin de siecle atmosphere every one was crying out that literature should be free from all causes and all ethical creeds. Art was to produce only exquisite workmanship, and it was especially the note of those days to demand brilliant plays and brilliant short stories. And when they got them, they got them from a couple of moralists. The best short stories were written by a man trying to preach Imperialism. The best plays were written by a man trying to preach Socialism. All the art of all the artists looked tiny and tedious beside the art which was a byproduct of propaganda ... The men who have really been the bold artists, the realistic artists, are the men who have turned out, after all, to be writing "with a purpose."
Chesterton wrote for the same reason as he said Shaw wrote: "to convince or to enrage us," and to have any other reaction to his writing, including gleaning "ways to think" as opposed to "what to think," Chesterton believed was an insult to the writer. "If a man comes to Hyde Park to preach it is permissible to hoot him; but it is discourteous to applaud him as a performing bear."

I said that it was the connection between dogma and art that was the definitive point against Peterson's theory, but I should perhaps come clean, and confess that it is not. I have actually saved my most crushing and decisive blow for the last, and this is it: I have assailed him with the weapon he should fear the most. I have devised my entire case against Peterson by consulting my Index to Chesterton. My entire argument opposing his case against the encyclopedic approach to Chesterton was conducted by means of an encyclopedia.

I cannot, of course, lend him my copy. I can only hope that I have at least made him want one.

Thursday, July 19, 2007

Penney Sanders for State School Commissioner

While the State School Board was scouring the country looking for someone to fill the post of State School Commissioner, they apparently didn't notice (or chose to ignore) an obvious candidate.

After the Barbara Erwin fiasco, maybe one of the things they need to do anyway is look a little closer to home. Penney Sanders, the former head of the Legislative Research Commission's Office for Education Accountability, would be an excellent choice for this position.

Here are some reasons for considering Sanders for the post:
  • She knows the educational lay of the land better than any other candidate the Board could find
  • She has established relationships with state lawmakers on both sides of the aisle, many of whom know her well
  • She is not afraid to take on the educational establishment when she needs to
  • She knows not only the policies of Kentucky education, but the politics
  • She not only hasn't padded her resume, but doesn't need to
  • She's available
Sanders was the first director of the Office for Educational Accountability in the early 90's, an office created under the Kentucky Education Reform Act of 1990 (KERA). Her tenure there earned her the applause--and the criticism--of many. Some knew her as the "Dragon Lady" for her willingness to face issues that needed to be faced head on, and for her tenacity in doing what she thought was right. But there wasn't anyone who didn't respect her.

I was one of those who publicly applauded, and criticized, her. Sanders is not someone who would do everything I would want her to do. She was, after all, the chief enforcement officer for KERA, a policy initiative of which I was probably the chief public critic. But unlike so many others who viewed KERA as some sort of educational panacea, Sanders, while remaining supportive, was willing to admit that there were common sense changes that needed to be made, and was willing to work with groups across the political spectrum to try to accomplish them.

Why would anyone not want Sanders in the position? She is on record as supporting school choice, that's why. But the opponents of school choice need to get over it. Sanders was speaking as a Catholic school official, a post she occupied after leaving the OEA. And that's one of the things that Catholic school officials do: they talk about school choice.

If those of us who opposed KERA are willing to swallow hard about that issue in considering an excellent candidate like Sanders, then the anti-choice people ought be able to do the same in regard to school choice.

It would be ironic for the Board to repeat its mistake of overlooking Sanders, since Sanders knows Kentucky education better than any member of the Board--or, for that matter, all of the Board members put together. The question is, do the Board members know enough to know this? If they choose to ignore her again, then the answer to that question will be obvious.

The real lessons to be learned from the Barbara Erwin episode

There are a lot of lessons to be drawn from the Barbara Erwin debacle. Erwin was the short-lived Kentucky School Commissioner who never even served her first day because she was run out of town for padding her resume. Among these lessons are:
  • It's a good idea for a school board to hire a search firm that actually does background checks of candidates
  • It's a good idea for a governor to appoint a school board that acts swiftly when it's clear it needs to cut its losses
  • It's a good idea for the governor to exercise his will over his own appointees
In regard to the first, the search firm simply didn't do its job. Fire them, and hire someone else. In regard to the second, there seems to be a lack of firm leadership on the board. Hopefully, the board has learned a lesson and will know better next time. In regard to the third, the Governor needs to start being a little more directive with his appointees. He didn't do this with his university trustees on the domestic partner benefit issue (as his opponents have rightly pointed out), and he apparently failed to do it with the State School Board on the Irwin issue. He needs to start doing it before more people start noticing that it isn't being done.

But listen to this somewhat less than perspicacious observation from the Courier-Journal:
It [the Erwin episode] leads one to believe the speculation that Gov. Fletcher was focused on appointing a board that would quietly share a right-wing fundamentalist school agenda, not one that could function properly.
Huh?

To say that this observation comes from outer space would be an insult to extra-terrestrials everywhere. How could you possibly derive this observation from what has happened? In fact, how could you conclude this from anything the board has done?

The only action the board has taken that could be considered evidence for this thesis is its vote against a state education document that changed the traditional AD/BC dating designations to the secular CE/BCE last year. But the only reason they voted to do that was because they voted to approve it in the first place.

What other evidence is there that this is a "right-wing" board--in the Erwin episode or anything else?

The real problems with the selection of state school commissioners are these:
  • The State School Board that appoints them is not directly accountable to any elected official
  • There are few if any candidates available who are willing to shake up the establishment anyway.
Yes, the members of the State School Board are appointed by the Governor and rubber stamped by the General Assembly, but after that they serve out their terms far from the reaches of anyone who can rein them in. And even if this weren't a problem, where exactly is a board supposed to find a person in the current education establishment willing to defy that same establishment--the only way any real improvement will ever be made?

The only thing appointing a new state school commissioner accomplishes is leading people to believe that the public education establishment is doing something meaningful when, in fact, it's just shifting chairs on the deck of the Titanic.